August 31, 2013
I’ve officially hit the one week mark living in Likir. And suddenly I feel a bit stranded. We didn’t have any farm labor today after two
long days of threshing, so it left me with a bit of free time to catch up on
agriculture-related reading and to formulate interview questions. I haven’t talked to my family in over a week
and they really have no idea where I am.
I thought it might be good to give them a call but when neither my Iphone
got reception nor one of the family member’s mobiles would not dial out of
India, I realized I am literally stranded.
I’m 2-3 hours outside a proper town (Leh) with Internet and cell service
and while this should feel liberating, I suddenly feel many more miles away
from civilization. I think it’s just the
mental concept that I can’t call home even if I wanted to that makes me feel
suffocated. I want desperately to have a
conversation in English. I went off to
the Gonpa today to look for Lobzang Namgyal, the young monk I met on the bus
last week, because I was hoping to say hello and also to inquire if he knew
anyone at the monastery who could translate for me. It turns out that Lobzang Namgyal is another
ridiculously common name (along with Stanzin/Tenzin, Rinchen, Padma, Rigzin,
Tashi, and Tsering). One monk said to me,
in broken English, “there are many Lobzang Namgyals.” Grrrr. And even after showing several monks a
photo, he wasn’t to be found. Some said
he didn’t stay the monastery and others merely pointed me in the direction of
the school. It was strange because I
literally saw him get off the bus and meet his parents at the Gonpa. Perhaps he only lives in Likir but stays at
the monastery in South India.
Fortunately, the teacher at the school said he might be able to
translate my interview: “I only speak broken English. Come back Monday night and maybe I will be
here.” The vagueness is annoying, but
alas, what can I do? I just hope that it
works out.
Homestay family in the village of Likir
With meme-le (homestay mother)
September 4, 2013
– “Learning from Likir”
Interview was a success!
Sort of. The teacher from the
gonpa came by the house, which is more than I could have hoped for. After a day out of commission due to some
stomach problems, anything was a welcomed improvement. I think the kolok for breakfast did me in: a
delicious blend of tsampa (barley flour), butter, cheese and sugar and after
mixing it with yogurt, I believe it’s the closest thing to cereal I am going to
get here. It was really delicious until
I felt sick for the last 48 hours. I
managed to pull some peas off the stalk for a few hours in the morning and then
proceeded to rest, sleep, and read Wuthering Heights for most of the afternoon. Two days ago, I was much more active as I
spent much of the afternoon harvesting peas and in the morning, I went with
abi-le to the government school down the road where she teaches/helps out a few
hours each week. I decided that I think
kids are generally cute (when they’re not wailing), but I’m really not very
good with them. I don’t quite know what
to do with them and with the language barrier, there wasn’t much I could
say. Instead, I was instructed by abi-le
to write “A” and draw an apple in several children’s notebooks (they were
probably 5-8 years old), followed by the rest of the alphabet A-Z with
accompanying pictures. Anyone who knows
me is aware that my drawings are heinous but fortunately, b for ball, f for
fish etc. was easy enough (though I was hesitant to do g for gun). The funniest moment, however, was when she
asked me to draw a cat but I thought she said a cow, so I drew a cartoonish
jersey breed cow complete with black and white spots and a big ole’ pink
muzzle. She laughed and said,
“cat?” Whoops. Looking back on the last twelve days, I
actually spent most of my time with abi-le.
She is a kind-hearted woman in her 50s, though she looks like she could
be in her 70s, her tan face, weather beaten and wrinkled from years working in
the fields I imagine. She and her
husband were nice enough to let me interview them, which with the help of the
monastery teacher was somewhat successful.
Here is what I learned:
Agriculture is not their main livelihood. Meme-le works in a bank in the nearby village
of Nimmo, abi-le spends time in the local school where her daughter is a
teacher, one of their sons is in the army and the other is schooling in Varanasi,
and the last daughter is living in Leh studying as well. They grow barley, wheat, peas, some pulses
(lentils etc.), and have a field for vegetables (e.g. turnip), with one harvest
per year and no mixing of crops. They
mostly grow for home consumption and sell some (e.g. barley and tsampa) to the
Leh market, which requires them to transport the goods on the service bus. When I tried to ask about land holding and
acreage, the monk didn’t understand the meaning, so instead I got the answer
that they grow barley on 9 fields and wheat on 3-4 fields, though I have no
idea how large a field is. I would guess
around an acre. For field preparation,
they first clean the field, then use fertilizer (human waste, animal manure, and
some chemicals) before plowing with animals (though they said some families are
using a machine to turn the soil). They
simultaneously plow and plant (hand scattering seeds) around the end of May in
Likir, which is apparently a little bit late, compared to other villages in
Ladakh because of the higher altitude; for instance, in Leh and Saspol, farmers
can plant earlier. They aren’t buying
seeds but instead save them each year and even exchange wheat and barley seeds
with another village. In terms of tools
and machinery in the fields, they are using mainly hand tools (e.g. shol, which
is a wooden instrument with some metal) and animal power. Some use tractors, but it is rare and they mill
the barley and wheat using the local water mill. It seems that the main form of agricultural technology
is the power thresher, which came 3-4 years ago. They really like it because with less people
in the house, what used to take them 15 days (animal threshing and relying on
the wind for winnowing) now takes only 2 hours.
They said that in Likir, there are two tractors with power threshers
that run on diesel: one owned by a family and rented out to other villagers and
the other by the monastery. When I asked
about pests and diseases, they said they have no problems with wheat and barley
but for the vegetables, this year has been especially difficult with insects and
disease. Abi-le noted that people use
the chemicals but she refuses because chemicals kill insects, which is a sin in
Buddhism. In short, they aren’t using
any chemical inputs. In terms of other
management methods, they have been told that if they change the vegetable field
each year, then it is good for growth but they grow barley and wheat on the
same fields each year. One person told
them, however, that if they grow peas one year and grow barley the following
year, this is good for growth. Yay
nitrogen-fixing legumes and crop rotation – this is something they may consider
in the future. As suspected, the
villagers take turns diverting glacial melt water from the channels and flood
irrigate the fields. They seemed to have
no interest in adopting drip irrigation or another scheme but said, “Maybe
piped water would be possible in some villages if they are having water
problems.” Apparently they have a
greenhouse (which I didn’t see), which they like because they can “grow the
vegetables early.” In addition, they
have 8 animals: 1 yak and 7 cows (a number that keeps changing depending on the
day I ask, ha), a mix of local breeds and jersey, which they acknowledge “give
more milk.” When I asked if people take
turns taking the livestock to graze in the phu (high pasture), they said, “A
few years ago, 2-3 families would stay at the top of the mountain with the
animals to collect milk, curd, cheese, butter from the animals for 3 months. Now there are no families to go to the phu,
so they send them in the morning and in the evening if they don’t come back,
they have to go searching. And ten years
ago, each family had goats, sheep, cows etc. and every day one family would
send people to feed the animals. Now
very difficult because not enough people…children went into military or are
studying.” This is definitely a trend in
Ladakhi agriculture (and around the world): young people and families are
moving away from rural villages, which creates labor shortages. So they’ve had to pay people (e.g. men from
Jammu) to help them during harvest time.
Fortunately, they are also able to join with other families to work
together to finish harvesting and other labor intensive tasks. When I asked about the gender roles, I was
told that men and women primarily work together to do the same tasks, except “if
digging the field, the men will do this.
Women spill the seeds.” In terms
of gender and land inheritance, the Tongol family has four children (2
daughters, 2 sons) and because the two daughters were married into other
families, the two boys will likely share/divide the land. I also asked about the role of the government
in agriculture and was told, “the government does not have an [agricultural
extension] officer in Likir but they give subsidized seeds (apple, apricot,
peas) and sometimes chemicals.” I tried
to ask their opinion about organic and the role of certification and export,
but that question was a bit too complicated and neither the monk translator nor
the family understood. Moving on, I also
inquired about their opinion on climate change and its impact on farming: “If
the climate changes, we will not be able to grow wheat and barley. Climate is a problem for animals because we
have to collect grass for the winter.
But if it’ a problem, the government will help farmers.” I tried to insinuate that warming will melt
the glaciers and affect their water supply, but this also seemed to get lost in
translation. Instead, they seem to put a
lot of faith in the government. In fact,
they like the Public Distribution System (of subsidized grains such as rice and
flour from Punjab) “because it’s cheap” (so it provides ‘cheap’ food, but
requires importing). The PDS is another
aspect of development and globalization, so I asked them to describe what life
was like before the tourists came in the 1970s:
“We benefitted a lot after the tourists came here – the road has helped
life a lot. We [Ladakhis] get more money
because we can be drivers and run hotels.
We have been a guesthouse for 5-6 years.
We like being a guesthouse, but sometimes have problems with fewer
tourists coming, this year especially because the Chinese invaded Ladakh and the
protests in Kashmir. But hotel owners
and jeep drivers have more problems because they depend on tourists more than
we do. Tourism is only a short time:
June to August.” It seems that they are
enjoying the benefits of having additional income and don’t mind the forces of
globalization and westernization influencing their lives and who can blame
them? I also asked: how do you imagine
the future of agriculture in Ladakh?
They responded, “Some families give up their fields and stop being
farmers even though the government requests villagers to use their fields well
(gives subsidized crops and fertilizers) but there is still a problem with not
enough people. People do a little bit work in the field to
grow food for the family but not more. Also
the government gives rations per month (subsidized sugar, rice, wheat, kerosene
oil) and if they majorly cut the subsidized food, then the villagers will have
a big problem, especially people in Leh.”
After being probed, they also acknowledged that there may be more
mechanization in the future if current population trends and labor shortages
continue. To finalize the interview, I
asked: Do you think it’s important for Ladakhi farmers to join the formal
economy and to commercialize agriculture so they can export to other parts of
India or abroad? Or do you think that
subsistence farming for household consumption is better? This question was too complex, clearly, and
as a result, I got a somewhat imprecise answer: “If there is good business,
then it’s good to export. Now Ladakh
grows crops so it’s not expensive, but if we do business with another country,
it will be expensive. If we sell barley
and wheat in the local market, no one buys because people already have it; they
grow themselves. But 3-4 years ago, we
sent crops to Chang tang (near Chinese border) where the government buys from
us and sells.” Whatever this
relationship is with Chang tang seems like it’s benefitting Ladakhi farmers,
but it wasn’t exactly clear to me. In
essence, the interview revealed some interesting facets such as the seed saving
and exchange between villages, their opinions on the role of the government and
subsidies especially, and also the problem with dwindling rural
populations. But I am certain that many
of my questions did not fully translate, which I suppose is inevitable using a
translator who is not fluent in English.
After taking more than an hour of his time, though, I was at least able
to return the favor by helping him write a short “Happy New Year” note to the
Gonpa school sponsors in Switzerland.
Upon further reflection, I am finding it difficult to
separate the lessons I learned in Likir from what I’ve read about Ladakh,
globalization, changing agriculture etc.
For instance, Ancient Futures
frames western development as culturally destructive, which it very well may
be, but the Tongol family has seemed to really benefit from the coming of
tourism. In their minds, I am willing to
bet they feel like they have a higher quality of life. Though notions of cooperation and
intergenerational equity were congruous based on what I read and what I saw:
extended family members of all ages would come together to help each other in
the fields. Buddhism also seemed to
inform their farming practices to some extent (i.e. refusing to apply chemicals,
which kill other living beings). Technology
is not very pervasive in their farming, with the exception of the power
thresher, which seems to have helped reduce time and labor in a significant
way. Otherwise, this family seemed
rather indifferent, if not adverse, to further mechanization, improved seed
varieties, synthetic inputs etc.
Overall, it was extremely useful spending nearly two weeks living with a
Ladakhi family and accompanying them to the fields to work. I haven’t had much farming experience and the
manual labor felt good, albeit exhausting.
It gave me a minute and brief taste of the hardships and rewards of
agriculture. Something about harvesting
and seeing an (almost) finished product is gratifying, especially when
backbreaking labor is involved. My
fingernails seem to be permanently crusted with dirt, my shoulders bruised from
carrying barley on my back in their makeshift packs, and my arms scorched from
the strong Ladakhi sun. And perhaps more
importantly, I think I will come away from Ladakh feeling like I have a family
and friends here. I rode the bus part of
the way back to Leh with meme-le who was going to work at the bank and I met
their son at the bus station in Leh to give him a package. He invited me back to his two-room flat near
the station, where his wife prepared fried eggs and tea. The son even sent me away with a package of
cashews and paid by taxi fare to upper Leh.
They all keep telling me that I must come back to Likir again soon, and
Abi-le even gave me gifts of apricots and a scarf, insisting that I was a hard
worker. “Dik-le, dik-le,” I responded (no, no, it’s okay), but she was
adamant. Heck, I should have been the
one bestowing gifts on them.
Fortunately, I was able to give them a postcard with a picture of my
hometown on the front and their son helped me write a nice thank you message in
Ladakhi on the back. But this small
gesture pales in comparison to their generosity. Now, with a somewhat more thorough
understanding of agriculture in Ladakh, I feel more prepared to speak with
NGOs, government officials, businesses etc. during the remainder of my time in
Leh.
Barley and Monasteries
"I love India - Free Tibet"
Likir Gonpa