My first quinoa-related interview in La Paz took place with Fabricio of Andean Naturals/Jacha Inti Industrial and turned out to be one of the most informative during my time in Bolivia. It certainly helped that we could speak in English, and I felt that it provided the perfect background information to continue my research. Andean Naturals is based in the Bay Area of California and is the largest importer of organic quinoa in the United States. Here is the "story":
"The commercialization of quinoa in Bolivia started in the 1980s. The National Association of Quinoa Producers (ANAPQUI) is special because it became a big thing without being a private for-profit company; even today, it really to serve its producers. There were also some early companies in the US (Quinua Corp in Colorado) and EU that helped the commercialization, and during the 80s, there were a few smaller companies that started to develop. At this time, however, quinoa was produced using manual labor (hand sown, harvested, and beaten for threshing) and small volumes were brought to factories. Early factories were starting to develop with rudimentary equipment, yet the washing system continued to be the biggest bottleneck because of the high saponin content of the quinoa. Fortunately, there were a few early leaders in the movement that helped people notice quinoa.
"The commercialization of quinoa in Bolivia started in the 1980s. The National Association of Quinoa Producers (ANAPQUI) is special because it became a big thing without being a private for-profit company; even today, it really to serve its producers. There were also some early companies in the US (Quinua Corp in Colorado) and EU that helped the commercialization, and during the 80s, there were a few smaller companies that started to develop. At this time, however, quinoa was produced using manual labor (hand sown, harvested, and beaten for threshing) and small volumes were brought to factories. Early factories were starting to develop with rudimentary equipment, yet the washing system continued to be the biggest bottleneck because of the high saponin content of the quinoa. Fortunately, there were a few early leaders in the movement that helped people notice quinoa.
Quinoa underwent small, incremental growth until the early 2000s – the
boom really started around mid 2000s.
Before this, it was a small
industry with volume and quality problems.
It was known in very special niche markets but by no means was it a crop
that had major recognition by the mainstream market. Also in the mid 2000, a few new private
actors came into the industry and at the same time, the Center for the Promotion
of Sustainable Technology (CPTS) developed a new quinoa washing system that was
a lot more efficient and could process larger volumes. This was a huge breakthrough in the quinoa
industry that solved a lot of the issues for farmer, as it also removes a lot
of the rocks from the process.
At the same time, companies such as Andean Naturals started focusing on
quality – humidity, impurities, saponin content, etc. and by doing this, we
raised more awareness in Bolivia about how important it is to have good quality
quinoa. At this point, small Bolivian
companies started to become more formal about logistics and customer
service. In fact, there are about 10
leading companies in Bolivia that are self-taught and have grown themselves
through a lot of hard work. In fact,
quinoa didn’t become a boom because of multi-millions of dollars from
international companies. It grew out of
really grassroots efforts.
At the field level, once companies started offering higher quality
products, timeliness, and more formal operations, there was naturally more
demand. The demand was up and we could
now obtain well washed quinoa with CPTS technology (if you don’t wash the
quinoa, it tastes like grass and soap).
The product it itself is spectacular but it tasted horrible before – now
it’s a complete healthy food and tasting good, so demand and buzz grew. It was back in 2008 that the prices tripled:
quinoa used to cost $1,000 per metric ton and then $3,000 per metric ton. In 2008, it was a bad crop year and people
thought it was over and quinoa was doomed to fail in Bolivia, but against all
predictions, people kept buying and the demand continued to accelerate. In fact, the demand exceeded supply even at
those prices. This was an indication to
everyone that quinoa is here to stay (even with the big recession of 2008).
On the production side, cultivation started moving into flat lands and
now it is mostly in the plains with little slope production, which was
traditional cultivation. However today,
you can’t put a tractor on the hillsides. After initial plowing and sowing in
September, secondary tilling/land preparation with a tractor is necessary in
January or February because it’s the most humid time of the year, serving as a
moisture conservation technique. Sowing
is also now done with machines (used to be hand sown), so more massive areas
are cultivated. The average land holding
of a southern Altiplano farmer is around 8 hectares (or 20 acres). From the 2000s until now, quinoa production
was expanding into flat land around traditional areas near the salt flats, but
now it is even moving into new areas like Pacajes, north of Oruro
(Patacamaya). These are non-traditional
cultivation areas that may have had quinoa at one time but not recently.
Now a days, you have the companies which have invested a lot more in
infrastructure, machinery, and production capacity. Everyday companies are formalizing more and
more. It went from small to medium and
now there are quite a few large companies by Bolivian standards (i.e. selling
more than 8 million per year), but still there aren’t any MNCs or large
companies. The absence of multinational
corporations can probably be explained partially by the direct nature of quinoa
production. We work with producer
associations: about 500 producer families and ANAPQUI may have 4,500
producers. The associations helps with
credit and other benefits such as marketing.
For example, the government gave ANAPQUI money to open their own bank
where producers can get loans for agricultural equipment etc. Working directly with producers is a whole
new ball game, and MNCs in general might be scared because some lack social
consciousness and don’t typically care about producers. These companies may see the informal actors
involved in the supply chain and the director connection with farmers, which
might not appeal to them. For instance,
there are many black holes; for instance, in taxes or when you buy something
and there aren’t receipts or paperwork.
We pay taxes based on farmers’ acreage or lands not in sales. MNCs may see this and get scared off; they
don’t want to buy from thousands of producers, but rather from one. The quinoa industry in Bolivia is a very
hands-on, intensive, and personal supply chain.
You need to a very open mind to work directly with and care for
producers. You need to have some kind of
social perspective, as many companies in Bolivia do. In fact, many entrepreneurs who work in
quinoa are from the areas, so it’s a very personal relationship. My brother and I aren’t from the quinoa
producing area, but we are Bolivians and we have values that we want to
protect.
Expansion has brought a lot of challenges. Every year, overall production of quinoa
increases through geographic expansion (not really intensification on existing
land) but yields haven’t exactly gone up on average (550 kilos per hectare on a
national level). Another serious
challenge is llama herding, which has always traditionally accompanied quinoa
production since farmers would use the manure as a fertilizer. Today, however, there has been a lot of
quinoa invasion into traditional llama grazing areas in the lowlands, which is
causing the price of fertilizer to go up tremendously. With fewer llamas, there will be no sound organic
fertilizer for quinoa. But the problem
is that llamas don’t exactly have a market, whereas producers want to plant
quinoa everywhere because of lucrative markets.
Over the last 2-3 years, everyone has encountered the problem of selling
off llamas and invading grasslands with quinoa. However, it is starting to slow down as
people realize and are trying to reverse the trend. It’s certainly a work in progress to develop
consciousness. And because producers don’t
have any llamas or fertilizer anymore, yields have been going down to 200 kg/HA. This has the effect of reversing the trend as
farmers realize their losses and that it is not sustainable without an
integrated system. There is a serious
need to keep the land healthy and give back with liquid and solid
fertilizers. And to ensure that it is
sustainable, farmers have to increase yields and work on the same existing
land. However, there is still quite a
lack of knowledge of how to manage the crop efficiently and sustainably boost
existing yields.
Another key challenge is cultural.
Before when quinoa was a traditional food, it was consumed by indigenous
populations living in their own communities and working the land with a daily
presence. If there was a pest, they
would deal with it and weed every day, even if it meant walking one hour to
their field daily and grazing their llamas.
Today, however, at least 50% of producers don’t live on their lands, but
rather reside in cities where they side businesses for added income. For them, quinoa has become a cash crop, and
they may go back six times per year to see what it looks like. For example, once to prepare the land,
another time to sow the seeds, once to check for pests, another time to
harvest, and lastly to thresh, and that’s it.
The mentality is to make money and get out. The industry is moving in the direction of
fewer producers living and working the land full time.
Quinoa has already resulted in reverse migration and a lot of young
people who are now producing it are the ones who aren’t living there. They have taxis and small shops and quinoa is
the cash cow/savings account with which once a year they get lots of money and
can buy something else. In contrast,
people who live on the land are older.
Some villages finally have electricity, but are still characterized by
poor roads, lack of schools, and only very rudimentary sanitation. Young people who come back want a way of life
that is higher quality (infrastructure, services, medicine etc.).
Quinoa in Bolivia…the whole thing is in flux right now. It’s going to change. I don’t think we are going to have people
living in small communities forever.
[Rural development] is the natural trend in most countries and with
globalization in general. Young people
try to conserve the values of their ancestors and they respect the community,
but there are still lots of land conflicts and disorganization with land rights
and titles. Sometimes it’s a miracle of
how they distribute land, how they know whose is whose.
For instance, we have two types of associations: one whose farmers live
in the countryside full time and one whose farmers don’t. And there is a big difference in production:
if farmers live near the fields full time, they are really closely monitoring
and can achieve at least 1,000 kg/HA, whereas absentee farmers may get 500
kg/HA. And then there are those
producers who aren’t concerned about the environment and are ignorant about
their practices. They may find that
llama herding and grazing is a pain and would rather hire someone to maintain
the llamas. Some may do this while
others feel that it is an entirely unnecessary burden because they don’t
realize the agricultural/environmental connection.
Another challenge is water, as sometimes the humidity in the soil during
the rainy is not enough. In reality, we
need rain for quinoa in traditional areas.
If it doesn’t rain in November and December, then the quinoa doesn’t
grow properly, and 2008 was a terrible year because of the drought. Quinoa is heavily dependent on climatic
factors, so there are efforts to implement basic irrigation systems, but only
about 2% of farmers have irrigation.
Although there is not a lot of water on the Altiplano, there are some
underground rivers and aquifers, and one of our communities that has irrigation
can get 1,200 kg/hectare.
Overall, many practices have to be improved. Right now, the production is being done with
disc plows, which are really damaging to the soil and contribute heavily to
erosion, instead of a chisel plow, an implement that goes under the land and doesn’t remove
everything, which is the way that it should be done. Unfortunately, farmers opt for the disc plow
because it’s always been done this way (surprisingly, it’s not a cost or
availability factor but tradition). The
good thing is that this is easily changeable.
In terms of the quinoa season, initial plowing takes place in January
and February, so there are always two quinoa seasons occurring
simultaneously. Then farmers wait until
September to sow – 90% of the sowing is done by machines. From sowing until harvest, it is mainly
manual weeding; pest control (rats, rabbits, vicunas or wild camelids, birds
etc.); and when the plant has flowered, it is protecting against worm attacks
(larvae that turn into moths, which is the main quinoa pest). Farmers need to have organic pesticides for
these. April is usually when farmers
start to harvest the quinoa (or late March), and at this point, the harvest is
done manually as it has yet to be mechanized.
The lack of mechanized harvest is definitely a bottleneck but the
problem is that when farmers sow their quinoa, it starts with the seed, which
is not very well selected so the fields are mixed and mature at different
dates. Because fields are not uniform,
the mechanization of harvesting is difficult.
The currently reality is that it is really impossible for farmers to use
mechanical harvesting because some plants are too green while others are too
dry so seed flies away from loss of product.
Plants really need to be the same size and at the same stage of maturation. Thus, farmers are currently harvesting with a
sickle (hand tool) or a motorized grass cutter, after which quinoa falls to the
ground and needs to be recollected and stacked to dry for 1-2 weeks. Unsurprisingly, for the harvest season,
farmers need to hire community wage labor.
Following harvest, farmers will thresh (separate the grain from the
chaff) by driving a tractor over the plants, which is apparently more efficient
than machines. This is a troublesome
part of the process because it is marked by the greatest amount of cross
contamination (rocks, rubber from tires, and other debris gets mixed into the
quinoa). Although some people have tried
to implement threshing machines, the problem is a lot of broken and damaged
grains, as well as loss of product because you lose valuable grains along with
twigs. The reality is of an economic
nature in that farmers would rather sell more stones because of the added
weight rather than give optimal product with some loss.
Once farmers thresh, the next two processes are also manual: two people
will hold a grated basket (zarandeado) and then winnow to remove small
twigs. There are two ways to winnow the
quinoa: one is to put the quinoa in a bucket and slowly dump it out so wind
will naturally blow away the debris, whereas some farmers may have small
machines to generate wind. Then we have
quinoa that is “ready to go” (in theory, though it’s really still quite
contaminated with impurities such as pebbles and twigs). At this point, farmers will store the quinoa
in 100 lb bags in their houses until there is demand. Quinoa can stay good for 1-2 years if
properly stored, so the processing and exporting is going on continuously. Moreover, most of Bolivia’s quinoa producers
organize in some sort of producers association, which are typically linked to
an export company (or to ANAPQUI, the only truly functioning producer exporting
association). The company or association
may say, “next week, I need 22 metric tons” (there is usually 10% product loss
during process, so to sell 20 MT, 22 must be requested) and will settle on
price. Then the association will ask
farmers who wants to sell depending on price and if a farmer needs money at the
time, he will agree to sell and then the president of the association will call
back and say yes, I have 22 metric tons and it will be delivered on x
date. The president obtains transport
from the company and then the product is driven to the factory in El Alto. Once it reaches the factory, there are many
rounds of quality control. The first
check is to see what the quinoa looks like and calculate its weight, then
within 10-15 days, Jach’a Inti will pay the farmers. This compensation normally goes into the
association’s bank account, which is then internally distributed to producers.
Historically, quinoa prices have been set in the heart of the quinoa
trading market, Challapata, by middle men through a push and pull system. For example, producers will take product to
Challapata (or now at their houses and by their phone) and will say
$1,800. One farmer may make a phone call
for $1,900, then it becomes a back and forth between farmers and middle men
until a price is decided upon. Prices
are set by a network of producers calling each other based on international
demand and world market. Our company
doesn’t have the power to set the prices, whereas middle men have so much
power. Furthermore, even if I work only
with producers, I’m still only a small fraction of the production, so we still
have to abide by middle men prices. But
sometimes, like this year for instance, the prices change – it went way
up. My brother called me and my clients
to say that large distributors are rejecting this price because they’ve talked
to retailers and discovered that no one will buy. This info gets to me and I organize a meeting
with other exporters to discuss how the market is about to fall because prices
are being rejected. So exporters will
stop buying from farmers, which may lead to three weeks of a closed
factory. As a result, prices went back
down and stabilized. We really need
stability; the prices stayed put for 1.5 months but then went back up. Some companies can interfere to affect
prices, but in the end, we are the guys in the middle. The market (western consumers’ demand) determines
the prices, and this information gets relayed to distributor (Sergio), then
exporter (myself, Fabricio), then middlemen and producers. In fact, the US accounts for about 60% of all
Bolivian exports, whereas Europe is down to 35%, and the rest of the world
5-10%. Because of other actors, like
Sergio, quinoa has exploded in the U.S.
You can feel the dynamism in new product development in trade fairs;
quinoa is everywhere.
A key factor that influences prices, however, is contraband to Peru. In 2013, Peru had a bad production year, so they had to supplement with illegal quinoa from Bolivia. Previously, all the middle men from Peru and Bolivia would meet in Challapata. The small producer would bring his quinoa to sell for immediate needs, maybe selling 5 out of 20 bags to Challapata because they need instant cash. At this point, middle men will start getting together truckloads of quinoa to bring the Desaguadero border and may sell to another Peruvian middle man, who sells it to another local company in Peru, traditionally. But this year, out of Peruvian desperation, middle men would actually go door to door with cash to farmers’ houses instead of meeting them in Challapata. The advantage of selling illegally to Peru is that farmers get offered a slightly higher price and cash on hand (instead of 15 days later). Plus, it comes with great convenience, so how can the farmer say no? Unfortunately, there is no law enforcement to control this and some police live off of contraband because they receive bribes, so it’s actually against their interest to fight contraband.
Challapata today is much different than in the past. There is still some quinoa trading that goes
on here, but it’s not how it used to be.
Now it’s a mix of farmers who bring their quinoa to the trading hub and
those who set the price at their homes.
Another thing to note is that telecommunications has had a huge impact
on the quinoa industry. Before, a farmer
had to go to Challapata to know the price of quinoa but now everyone has a cell
phone and can know immediately the prices without leaving their doorsteps.
My brother, Sergio, started importing in 2003 but until 2008, the volume
wasn’t much. It started as a basic
quality control system in which all these factories would have quinoa, and we
would tell them, “you need to improve this or that.” Then Sergio would know what type of quality
of quinoa he was getting, while I would do all the tracking and documentation,
such as knowing when the boat left the port in Arica, Chile port. Just by keeping these records, Sergio’s
import business started booming because people knew what they were buying with
an element of timeliness. It had a huge
impact on the industry, and we also saw that there was an opportunity for new
value added products such as quinoa flakes.
In fact, we have a factory in La Paz as part of the Jach’a Inti business
for value addition, and we try to sell flakes and other products to other
countries (e.g. pasta etc.). In the US,
we are trying to sell new things like quinoa protein extract and the prospect
of MNCs such as Mars, Kelloggs, developing new products out of quinoa presents
opportunities for increased growth and demand.
And in 2011 after working with other processing factories (ANAPQUI,
SAI, IRUPANA, Quinoa Bowl etc.), we decided that we need to have our
own. Before this, we were doing quality
control; we were passengers but we weren’t driving the taxi, so we decided this
was the way to go. This factory has been
functioning for three years – 70-80% finished.
Jach’a Inti/Andean Valley, other private companies, and ANAPQUI – I
think we have to applaud our own efforts because the quinoa comes in so
contaminated. In a modern country, if
you harvest the right way, it’s virtually pure after threshing. But the stuff we take out to make this edible
and not dangerous for consumers is incredible.
Basically what we are doing is a form of contract farming: this year we
say we will buy all their product and it’s a safe market compromise since we
will help out with x,y,z such as organic certification.
Regarding technology and agricultural implements, our company has
provided some mechanization, mostly for the post-harvest processes. As I said before, quinoa comes in extremely
contaminated, so we implemented post-harvest cleaning in the field. We gave them a zaranda or shaker for
pre-cleaning. Before, we may have found
up to 10,000 stones and 5,000 quartz pieces in 4 kg of product. But if producers pass it through a
pre-cleaning machinery, this can go down to 500s, which makes this factory a
whole lot more efficient. Farmers have
to obtain most inputs and implements for themselves, though we are looking into
how we can work with banks to offer credit.
In terms of government support being given to quinoa farmers, this
administration has been a lot more supportive than any previous government by
far. The first thing they did was open a
quinoa fund so companies like ourselves could finance with very low interest
rates and little physical guarantees.
Thus, we were able to buy a lot more quinoa and pay producers a lot
faster. In contrast, 2-3 years ago,
companies could only pay within 60 days because of a lack of capital – now with
an access to capital, people are paying much more quickly, worst case scenario
30 days. There is even funding to help
producers access equipment, though farmers are still responsible for buying
their own inputs from private companies. Now with the price of quinoa, more
farmers can afford a tractor on the spot, though they may still qualify for
financial support from the government.
Largely speaking, however, the government has stayed out of the
market. In theory, they could buy and
then sell it at a lower price to the local population to counteract high
prices, but I’ve never really been a big fan of government intervention in
commercial issues. If the government
wants to do anything, they should stop contraband, as 40% of everything Bolivia
produces goes out by contraband.
With the help of the government, the United Nation’s International Year
of the Quinoa has really raised awareness and made a ton of noise – both good
and bad. On the one hand, prices
skyrocketed, people started learning about royal quinoa and where it comes
from, with efforts to “brand” quinoa real as something Bolivian grown. The idea that the government hasn’t done
anything for quinoa is mistaken. They
have also bought tractors and given them to some producers for free, while also
talking about added value. Now it’s just
a semi-processed product (washing quinoa is the hardest, so cleaning accounts
for a lot of added value). But more than
this is talk of quinoa pasta, soup, bars, milk etc. and the Ministry of Rural
Development is looking into industrializing it with a focus on Bolivian
consumption. In terms of feeding the
world, maybe in 10-15 years quinoa will become a staple in diets all over the
world. And we’d like to see people be
able to grow and buy quinoa hopefully for the same price as rice (or at least
on par with soy).
Moreover, we really need to balance business with environment. Mechanization for the moment is dangerous,
which we’ve seen with the disc plow.
This government is very politicized, so if you want to get a few votes,
give out a hundred tractors or free seeds.
But they’re not teaching the farmers how to produce sustainability, as
the agenda is to push for increased production and industrialization. Te agricultural side is very politicized and
centered on the idea: “sow quinoa anywhere you can, let’s really expand, and
have 1,000,000 HA” (now we are at about 150,000 HA). In fact, last year’s crop covered 120,000 HA
for a total of 62,000 MT. This year it
is predicted to be around 150-160,000 HA with 80-85,000 MT. In terms of climate change and how it might
impact quinoa production, our farmers have not expressed large concerns with
climate change. Surprisingly, it seems
to have benefitted them quite a bit, as increased rain with climate change has
really favored quinoa production as conditions used to be more arid in the
southern Altiplano.
Unfortunately, however, it is very likely that prices are going to go
down in less than five years. Bolivia
and Peru’s window of opportunity to continue to dominate the quinoa market is
only about 2-3 years with prices going down a bit. After this, however, it is really going to go
down at some point. Remember, it’s a
small industry and the volumes I’m giving you – 80,000 MT per year – are
tiny. We can’t feed a whole lot of
people in the world; we’re not talking soy, which has more than 1,000,000 HA
and at least 500,000 MT in Bolivia. In
contrast to quinoa, the soy industry is completely industrialized and
conventional. The exact time frame
during which the prices of quinoa will drop is yet to be determined and depends
on how fast other countries develop (in China, they already have royal quinoa
seeds, so the raw genetic material isn’t a problem). Moreover, quinoa seems to be a crop that
adapts well to different environments, which will give other countries an edge. But where Bolivia might survive and still be
slightly above is in organic production of royal quinoa. For example, in Peru there is lots of new
quinoa conventional production on the coast, but it’s full of pests and they’re
spraying with chemicals. These producers
are going to struggle to produce organic quinoa. So people may pick up quinoa production
easily, but it will be done largely with chemicals (but no GMOS yet).
In terms of increased competition from other countries, we are trying to
offer a lot of support to our producers for increasing yields, which is how you
protect farmers from leaving. The people
who are doing well can get over a ton.
If those people who are farming poorly can double production, even if
prices go down, it will still be a profitable crop for them. Our challenge is how to increase yields in a
sustainable manner – the sustainable part is key. On the commercial level, it’s about
differentiating as much as possible: what is quinoa real (royal quinoa), what
does organic mean, fair trade, and we try to humanize it as much as possible by
showing the producer and where it comes from.
Once quinoa consumers learn how it is harvested and where it comes from,
they are shocked. Quinoa becomes
intriguing because it has a story behind it, so we try to make people
understand that if you choose to buy Chinese or Indian conventional quinoa,
it’s mechanized production, forget about supporting small impoverished farmers
from the Altiplano. We do it the organic
way, it’s authentic, traditional, fair trade, small holder families with the
biggest maybe having 25 HA. We want to
brand this in the future and really hit this point home. Moreover, I think our quinoa in general is
fluffier, bigger, and higher quality.
Our company pays for all the certifications, and we are starting to
develop projects, for example with Kellogg, which helps with 50% financing of
irrigation projects. Hopefully by next
year, will have 4 villages using irrigation.
Another fair-trade project is financing the certification of five new
associations.
Of course, the price is still going to go down, but it’s going to
command some sort of premium over conventional.
Regardless, however, many producers are going to stop doing quinoa
because of its small volume with legislative limitations. For instance,
if you go to Peru, you can ask to rent 1,000 HA in exchange for 20-30%
of earnings but here in Bolivia, land laws are restrictive because the
government is very against large land owners.
If you want to do 1,000 HA in Bolivia, you need to speak to about 100
people, and it’s even more complicated for a business, rendering it difficult
to compete on prices without large land owners and holdings.
True, quinoa is about 4x the price of rice in La Paz Markets, but no one
really knows about domestic consumption rates because there have not been any
market studies. Pundits will say prices
are so high that no one is eating quinoa, while the government will say that
everyone is eating it. The history of
quinoa in Bolivia is a strange one. It
was an indigenous Inca Aymara food and at the time of colonization, the
Spanish tried to eradicate it, though some survived. From the 1970s to early 2000, it was known as
the “poor man’s Indian’s food.” Though
once exports started booming and the media was all over it, it becomes trendy
and the “chic” people jumped on the bandwagon.
The sentiment was “if Americans are eating it, it must be good stuff,”
because there always seems to be ego aspiration complexes going on. But since quinoa was “lost” in Bolivia, there
hasn’t been a large culture of local consumption. Now, however, people are starting to
rediscover how to eat quinoa. Most
Bolivians will tell you that they eat it in soup, while in the U.S., it’s used
as a side dish or in salad or risotto.
Here locals have no idea how to eat it.
People hear a lot of noise about quinoa and some bought cookbooks or are
experimenting with how to cook it. If
you put quinoa straight into a boiling pot like rice, it still doesn’t taste
very good (somewhat grassy) because of the saponin content. The best way to eat quinoa is to pre-toast it
before boiling it (1 in 10 or 20 Bolivians know this), though people are
starting to rediscover it and there are small companies doing quinoa cookies,
bars etc. All the noise and buzz around
quinoa has at least raised awareness of what quinoa is even if modern Bolivians
don’t yet know how to eat it.
In terms of scaling up quinoa production, because we work with many
small-scale producers, it’s a form of scaling up through grouping (e.g. associations). Of course, lack of mechanization and adequate
volume of manure and fertilizer are definitely problems, but the land tenure
system in Bolivia makes large landholdings very difficult to obtain. Moreover, organic production in general is
very difficult, as you need 2-3 years of transitional production. This is why MNCs are not in the business –
you have to work with a lot of different people – and can’t negotiate with just
one person. It’s doable, we are growing
and the fields are expanding but the way to grow is not only geographically but
also increasing yields in existing plots.
This may be achieved through irrigation, or working with natural
fertilizers. Every year, a few new
associations call us and are interested, and we also look for producers. It goes both ways.
Regarding the strategic planning or scaling up quinoa production to
ensure environmental sustainability, we ask farmers to rotate their fields and
maintain a certain number of llamas, all of which we measure. We are also growing our association and
supply base, as we don’t work specifically or solely with associations, but
also intermediaries. Middle men (organic
certified) are a necessary evil because otherwise we couldn’t obtain enough supply,
though we are aiming to grow our producer association base to completely
eliminate the middle man. In contrast to
a system of auditors, associations are self-auditing with internal control
systems. Fortunately, around 95% of
quinoa in Bolivia is produced organically, though not all certified but
traditional/organic by default. This is
because most farmers cannot afford to buy pesticides or may not even know where
to buy them, so this has a favorable impact on farmers and Bolivian quinoa
production.
Has the recent boom in quinoa demand from Western consumers been a
positive thing for Bolivia? Absolutely,
it has helped the farmers. People who
say otherwise are idiotic. Most of the
producers we work with eat their own quinoa, and if there has been a decrease
in consumption, it’s because of the intensive preparation process (e.g.
washing, toasting etc.). On the plus
side, farmers have diversified their diets because they can now purchase other
foods (e.g. vegetables, fruits, pasta, soda).
The local economy is expanding and they can afford vehicles. With reverse migration, higher incomes, a
more diversified diet, and the ability to invest in new businesses, the quinoa
boom has been socially and economically fantastic. The only truly negative aspect that we really
need to work on is the environmental impact of quinoa. We cannot turn the Altiplano into a complete
desert, so all the practices need to be made sustainable, and the llama-quinoa
equilibrium needs to be restored. To
promote domestic consumption, we try to motivate farmers but they don’t want to
eat quinoa because of the intensive preparation. If you are going to wash it on the farm, you
wash it manually, and moving into modern society and globalization, the whole
culture is changing. Time used to not
matter to these people; it was natural for ancestors and free flowing but now
it’s inevitable that western culture is permeating. Time is money and farmers don’t want to take
a day to prepare quinoa. Everything is
changing and in flux. So we are starting
small: we offer 10 lbs of processed quinoa in exchange for 10 lbs of raw."
Mission: to share quinoa with the world
Vision: we are a profitable, environmentally and socially responsible business group with the best quality and safe service for Andean quinoa and retail sectors ingredients
Values: respect, integrity, commitment, social conscience
My first quinoa in Bolivia, prepared by the very talented Jacha Inti chef :D
All suited up for my factory tour
The factory in El Alto
The Jach’a Inti factory tour was AWESOME! It was so amazing getting to see the entire
process after farm level threshing and winnowing. The quinoa comes in with various pieces of
straw, stones, and other debris and is subsequently put through many machines
that separate/grade the grain based on sized, remove debris, scrape the outer
layer, wash the saponin with soap and water, dry over high heat, sort by color,
and purify even more through centrifuges and other machines. Although the grain looks fairly clean during
the intermediary stages, it goes through many steps of cleaning, a very
intensive process. Though the factory
can do 30 bags in 6 minutes with a total of 22 tons per day (2 truck loads). The final product ships out in 25 lb (or kg?)
bags and is then shipped out of the country.
They have two warehouses for storage, so they can accommodate a lot of
raw material before processing. April,
during harvest season, is the busiest month for the company.
From my visit, I also learned that Jacha Inti has developed their own
machinery because apparently, CTPS machines were not good for industrial
quantities as they would break after 2 weeks.
Now they are trying to patent the machine and sell it, no photos because
other businesses may want their designs.
Moreover, there is then need to import materials from abroad to
construct the machines because quality is low here. Another problem has been the nature of
artisanal machines – none are the same so it is difficult to repair and
maintain them because each is different and parts can’t be interchanged
easily. Jach’a Inti is different because
they have direct ties with the quinoa importing company, Andean Naturals, in
US, so they can exchange info quickly.
In contrast, other quinoa producing companies only have clients/buyers
in the US (e.g. Costco). The direct
relationship is a huge advantage in the business.
So I made this roasted carrot quinoa salad for one of our potluck BBQ dinners
Nancy with all the meat for the BBQ :)
Hi Lauren! I'd love to speak with you about your experience with quinoa in Bolivia for a documentary film I'm working on. Can you please contact me at erica@fathomfilmgroup.com? It would be great to chat with you sooner than later if possible! Thanks, I look forward to hearing from you. Erica
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